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Japan says swarms of tourists defiling sacred Mt Fuji

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By Mariko Katsumura

FUJIYOSHIDA, Japan (Reuters) – On a grey, rainy Saturday a steady stream of tour buses arrive at a base station of Japan’s Mount Fuji depositing dozens of lightly dressed foreign tourists in front of souvenir shops and restaurants.

The scene evokes a theme park image, not the veneration most Japanese would expect below the 3,776-metre (12,388 ft) mountain worshipped as sacred by the Japanese, and a source of pride for its perfectly symmetrical form.

“Hey, no smoking here!” a souvenir store attendant barked, addressing a man dressed in shorts and holding a can of beer in front of the red ‘torii’ gate symbolising the entrance to the Shinto shrine up ahead.

Mt Fuji, which straddles Yamanashi and Shizuoka prefectures in eastern Japan, has always been popular with local and overseas tourists.

But a recent surge in inbound tourists to Japan has led to extreme levels of pollution and other strains, authorities say, adding they may be forced to take drastic measures such as restricting the number of visitors by making the mountain only accessible by a yet-to-be-built tram system.

“Fuji faces a real crisis,” Masatake Izumi, a Yamanashi prefecture official told reporters during a tour for foreign media on Saturday, the last weekend before the trails close for the year.

“It’s uncontrollable and we fear that Mt Fuji will soon become so unattractive, nobody would want to climb it,” he said.

Mt Fuji was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site 10 years ago, further boosting its popularity. But the distinction came with conditions that Japan reduce overcrowding, environmental harm from visitors and fix the artificial landscape, such as the large parking lots constructed to accommodate tourists.

However, overcrowding has worsened. “Subaru”, the fifth and largest base station, had about 4 million visitors this summer, a 50% jump from 2013.

Despite the frenetic pace of cleaning by janitors, businesses, and volunteers, social media is rife with posts about soiled bathrooms and mounds of litter along the climbing path.

Izumi worries that the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), which advises the World Heritage Committee, could come knocking any day to ask for an update.

“Bullet climbing”, where climbers attempt to scale Japan’s tallest peak for sunrise and descend on the same day, is also a growing headache, authorities say.

Rescue requests totalled 61 this year, up 50% from last year, with non-Japanese tourists accounting for a quarter, according to Shizuoka prefecture police. An official said most were poorly equipped, suffering hypothermia or altitude sickness. Yamanashi police had no comparable data.

One local visitor said restrictions may be inevitable.

“Any Japanese person would want to climb Mt Fuji at least once in their life,” said 62-year-old Jun Shibazaki, who arrived on a tour. “But it’s so crowded. Limited entry might be something we have to live with.”

(Reporting by Mariko Katsumura, Writing by Chang-Ran Kim; Editing by Michael Perry)

Lynn Lynn’s Journey From Rocker to Dissecting Myanmar’s Coup in Film

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Long before he became an award-winning filmmaker, Lynn Lynn was already a star.

His voice was ubiquitous on the radio, belting out rock songs, and he played sold-out shows in stadiums across the country. Everywhere he went, fans hounded him for selfies and autographs.

But all that fame was confined to Myanmar, a country he had to flee after a February 2021 military coup.

It wasn’t only his lyrics about the suffering of people under military rule that had made him a target of the country’s generals. He was also close to the country’s now-imprisoned civilian leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, having once served as her bodyguard.

Now living in the Thai city of Mae Sot, bordering Myanmar, the 39-year-old rocker has taken on a new identity: refugee.

Despite the drastic changes in his circumstances, he has not given up on art, but he has changed his focus: to film.

His first short movie, “The Beginning,” whose main characters are a fictional group of people from Myanmar, focuses on the importance of good will in building a democratic nation. Five months later, he followed with “The Way,” which captures the trauma and despair of a family suffering from a nation’s conflict; despite the dark themes, the movie is a musical — the first by a director from Myanmar.

Both films have won multiple honors at international film festivals, with “The Way” also earning multiple accolades for its soundtrack.

“I want to give the message that the military junta can oppress an artist physically, but the spirit and art cannot be oppressed,” Mr. Lynn Lynn said, speaking from his spartan music studio, a bedroom in a rented house in Mae Sot.

Mr. Lynn Lynn’s life story has been shaped by his country’s convulsive recent history, shifting from dictatorship to democracy to the present-day resistance.

The youngest of four boys, he was born in the city of Mandalay to a railway worker father and a mother who stayed at home.

When he was 5, he saw close at hand the brutality of the army whose leaders ruled the nation: soldiers pulling passengers from a boat and commanding everyone — regardless of age — to kneel. That scene of dominance and humiliation, he says, has stayed with him throughout his adult life.

As a 9-year-old, he taught himself how to play guitar. After high school, he moved to Yangon, the capital at the time, where he cycled through a series of jobs, including bus conductor and security guard, while trying to start a musical career.

His big break came in 2001, after he walked into a recording studio to drop off his demo tape and was soon hired to compose songs for some of Myanmar’s most famous singers. He established a reputation for composing original songs, a rarity in a country where nearly all the songs were copied from abroad.

In 2007, he marched daily with the country’s monks during the Saffron Revolution protests. He read over and over again “Freedom From Fear,” a book of essays by Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, at the time the leader of the country’s opposition, who was under house arrest.

He learned how to navigate the country’s censors. Out of every five songs submitted, he was instructed to change the lyrics of three. Sometimes, he submitted different lyrics and then later swapped back in the original words, without anyone seeming to notice.

“He is a rebel,” said his wife, Chit Thu Wai, a well-known actress and singer.

In 2008, Mr. Lynn Lynn released “Think,” an album with love songs that he had written initially for other singers. It was an instant hit and catapulted him to stardom.

In 2011, the military initiated a range of sweeping political changes, including releasing Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who convened a gathering of the country’s artists at her house.

There, Mr. Lynn Lynn told the Nobel Peace Prize winner he would be willing to do anything for her. He became one of her bodyguards during the 2012 by-election and the 2015 general election.

After she won in 2015, becoming the country’s civilian leader, Mr. Lynn Lynn returned to music. Able to sing openly about the generals, he released an album called “The Fourth Revolution.”

Then, in February 2021, two months after Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi won the 2020 election in a landslide, the military detained her and announced it had taken power in a coup.

The junta charged dozens of actors and musicians, including Mr. Lynn Lynn and his wife, with “incitement.” After months in hiding, the family decided reluctantly to leave Myanmar.

Mr. Lynn Lynn went first in August 2021, trekking across a jungle and then swimming to Mae Sot. Ms. Chit Thu Wai and their twin daughters, now 6, followed a week later.

Mr. Lynn Lynn had never wanted to make movies in Myanmar. While he dabbled in script writing and supported independent filmmakers through a production company he owned with his wife, he considered most of the movies made in Myanmar to be too lowbrow to much interest him.

He says he turned to film in part to “challenge” his artistic peers back home, many of whom allow the generals to use them for propaganda.

Myanmar’s Directorate of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare has always exploited actors and actresses, using them in films to portray soldiers as honorable heroes. In return for staying silent, these celebrities enjoy perks, like being paid to attend galas such as the Myanmar Academy Awards.

Mr. Lynn Lynn says he has noticed that the timing of these celebrity events often coincides with reports about more military atrocities. Nearly every week brings horrific news: 100 dead in an airstrike. Bombs dropped at an outdoor concert. Eleven children killed at a school.

Midway through an interview in Mae Sot, Mr. Lynn Lynn lifted up his T-shirt to reveal his back. In neat, cursive script, there were 700 tattooed names and ages of some of those killed in the coup’s aftermath.

Aung Myint, 32. Tun Win Han, 25. Khin Myo Chit, 7.

“There are so many more to come,” Ms. Chit Thu Wai said.

Mr. Lynn Lynn says he looks at the names in the mirror to “compel a sense of urgency upon my consciousness.” The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a rights group, said more than 4,000 people had been killed in Myanmar since the coup.

Mr. Lynn Lynn knew that shooting movies in Mae Sot, so close to Myanmar, was dangerous. Seventeen of 20 cast members of “The Way” stood accused of “incitement,” and they feared Myanmar military’s spies were everywhere, raising concerns they could be abducted or killed.

In the movie, members of the central family sing about their suffering from conflict and their quest for peace and justice. Myanmar is never explicitly mentioned because, Mr. Lynn Lynn says, he wants the story to be universal.

Two weeks before the shoot, he was still not sure how he would pull it off without the sophisticated equipment typically needed to make a film. He decided to borrow a friend’s iPhone 13 Pro to use as the camera. For the music, he gave himself a crash course in sound mixing.

Mr. Lynn Lynn’s cast members had never acted before, but some had backgrounds similar to the stories that he wanted to depict. His directorial advice was to read the script and “feel it in your heart,” recalled Aung Lun, one of the actors, who had left his 5-year-old son and wife behind in Myanmar when he fled in 2021.

Mr. Aung Lun’s character in “The Way” leaves his baby daughter at a school as soldiers set fire to their village. Years later, his character confesses that secret to his family.

During that scene, Mr. Aung Lun cried so hard the crew had to pause the shoot for an hour.

As Mr. Lynn Lynn waits to hear whether he and his family can be resettled in the United States, he has more film projects in the works, including a satire set in Myanmar before the coup.

Wherever he finds himself, he intends to keep making films.

“I want to use a language understood by the entire universe,” he said. “I want to show that even while we are on the run, our art will continue to live powerfully.”

The Orphans of Flight 723

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At the age of 58, stuck in her house through the long nights of the coronavirus pandemic, Michelle Brennen started to spend more and more of her time thinking about the worst thing that had ever happened to her.

She was 10, on summer vacation. She had been playing in the yard in Essex, Vt., and when she came inside, she found her mother standing in the archway between the kitchen and the living room, crying.

“Daddy’s plane crashed,” said one of her five siblings — she has never known which one. The information did not register; she thought they meant one of her father’s model airplanes. No big deal, she thought. Just glue it back together.

It was 1973, a time when adults didn’t talk to children about death. That afternoon, a neighbor took the children to the beach so they wouldn’t see news coverage of the crash, among the deadliest in New England’s history.

The following week, when their father was buried, they weren’t allowed to attend the funeral. When school started, a guidance counselor called her in and asked her how she was doing. Michelle said, “Fine,” and that was that.

Maybe that’s why, all these years later, something kept steering Michelle’s mind back to the plane crash.

Clearing out her mother’s basement after she died in 2021, Michelle found a cardboard box where her mother had stored everything related to the flight, Delta 723 — newspaper clippings, correspondence with lawyers, journal entries.

Once she began reading, Michelle found that she could not stop. She was especially drawn by the dog-eared passenger manifest, 89 names on a battered sheet of paper. How many of them had left children like her behind? Where were those children now? How had their lives turned out?

And so, planting herself in front of an iPad at the dining room table, she tracked them down one by one. She popped up in their DMs. She called their landlines. She invited them to exchange stories on a Facebook page. She hoped she didn’t sound like a kook.

In her own way, she was exploring questions that have preoccupied the field of mental health. How does traumatic loss alter the course of a person’s life? Does grief subside more fully when left in a box, or when it is shared? Does it subside at all?

These questions hung in the air on a Sunday morning in July, when Michelle, now 60, awaited the arrival of around 200 people, nearly all of them strangers. Over two years, she had managed to track down survivors for all but four of the 89 people who had been aboard the plane, and persuade them to gather in person on the 50th anniversary of the crash.

She had chosen for the location of their one and only meeting an obvious and terrible place — Logan Airport, not far from the runway where Flight 723 had burst into flames.

The plane was descending through dense clouds surrounding Boston when something seemed to go wrong in the cockpit. “Going like a son of a bitch,” said the pilot, John Streil, to his co-pilot, Sidney Burrill, who was trying to line up the jet to approach the runway properly.

Thick fog in Boston had caused many flights to be diverted, so Flight 723, from Burlington, Vt., had made an unscheduled stop in Manchester, N.H., to pick up stranded passengers. Most of them were probably looking at their watches, worried about making connecting flights.

On the instructions of air traffic control, the crew had made a series of turns intended to align the aircraft with a localizer beam, which demarcates the centerline of the runway and acts as a guide for pilots in low visibility.

But they were moving too fast — 237 miles per hour — and they were too high. They overshot the localizer, and then scrambled to correct course, descending too quickly.

The crew had been told that the cloud cover was at 400 feet, and peered into the whiteness, expecting to break through at any moment. But a thick bank of sea fog was moving across the airport. They saw nothing.

“OK, just fly the airplane,” the pilot said, according to cockpit voice recordings. Two seconds later, Mr. Streil understood that the plane’s flight director was malfunctioning, and he said: “You better go to raw data. I don’t trust that thing.”

For the first time, his voice betrayed strain. “Let’s get back on course if you can,” he barked at his co-pilot. The plane was traveling at around 150 m.p.h. when it hit the concrete sea wall that separates the airport from Boston Harbor.

The impact shattered the plane, and pieces of the cabin rocketed forward onto the runway. A construction worker nearby described a “large, long flame” appearing on the runway, rising “as if it were a curtain.”

When rescue workers arrived, they found fragments of the plane and its passengers scattered down the runway, covering an area the size of three football fields. There were blue and red seats, some with passengers still strapped in.

The remainder of the aircraft had broken with such force that, a spokesman with the National Transportation Safety Board later said, “you could pick up almost any of the pieces in your hands.”

Many things went wrong simultaneously during the landing, Paul Houle, a former U.S. Army accident investigator, concluded in his 2021 book on the disaster. The plane’s flight director was faulty; the air traffic controller was distracted; the crew had been misinformed about the weather. Each of these factors, he said, carried equal weight.

But at the time, the public was offered only one explanation: pilot error. Aviation officials “would only say that the pilot, Captain John N. Streil Jr., was flying the jetliner 230 feet too low and 3,500 feet short of the usual touchdown point,” The Associated Press reported.

Fishermen told The Boston Globe that the fog had been so thick that they hadn’t been able to see their hooks hit the water. “The goddamn fools, flying in this weather,” one of them said.

On the day of her father’s funeral, Michelle watched the adults leave in their church clothes.

She had shouted at her mother — she thought she was old enough to go — but now the fight had drained out of her, and she sat on a cement floor in an unfinished part of the house, behind a piece of lumber, where they couldn’t see her cry.

To comfort her, an aunt promised to bring her a gift: a bottle of Shower to Shower baby powder. But nothing could comfort her.

She came to understand her role in the family tragedy. “You knew something big was going down, and you didn’t make any waves,” she said. Her mother was “constantly trying to get us to go outside and play — go outside and play.”

In all that silence, terrible thoughts snagged in her mind. The night before the crash, she had gotten into an argument with her father, and, “in my 10-year-old, very stubborn and bossy way,” muttered to herself: “I wish you would die.” This ate at her, this unforgivable thing, but she never told. Whom would she tell?

And somehow it transpired that she did not quite take in her father’s death. Years later, she still sometimes thought she spotted him in crowds. She would look for him in Barre, Vt., where he had grown up. Her sister Denise, who was 8 when their father died, felt the same way. “I kept thinking for years that he was coming back,” she said.

Her father, Michael Longchamp, was 39 that summer, working as a draftsman at an architectural firm. He was an outdoorsman and a former Air Force tail gunner. By temperament, he was preternaturally even-keeled. At home, he would lie back in an armchair and let his six children crawl over him like puppies.

That summer was a perforated line, separating life with their father from life without him: Tear here.

The extended family closed ranks; their aunt moved her family back to Vermont so she could be near. Michelle remembers her mother, Patricia, as always busy in the years that followed. Chris was 9; Denise was 8; Anthony was 6; Renee was 5; and Joseph was 2. “It wasn’t like she could sit and cry over it with nobody around,” she said. “She had stuff to do.”

In that sense, they coped well. They moved on. “My family did a fabulous job of making sure that we didn’t feel any repercussions over it,” she said. “You know, we didn’t dwell on it.” But something was off-kilter, like a bone that had not been set properly. Even today, she wonders: Who would they have been if their father had not died?

After graduating from high school, she got a job at a flower shop and married her high school boyfriend, more or less to get out of the house.

She is sure that would not have happened if her father had been alive. He would have insisted that she go to college. Maybe she would have followed her father into the military. At the least, she would have left Vermont. “I think about that every day,” she said.

It was worse for her brothers, though. “You’re the man of the house now,” one of the grown-ups told Chris.

“I think my mother, to her deathbed, would say that just crushed him,” Michelle said.

When Michelle found the box in her mother’s basement, she realized how much her mother had carried alone. There were her father’s death certificate — “two broken legs and generalized thermal burns” — and her mother’s handwritten journals.

“Anthony asked tonight to see a picture of his daddy, because he had forgotten what he looked like,” read one of the entries. “I showed everyone a picture and Joseph laughed right out loud and said, ‘That my daddy.’ It hurts so much sometimes I don’t think I can make it.”

“In 48 years, we never knew that side of her, the pain she was going through,” Michelle said. She wondered if the box was a form of communication, whether she was meant to look inside.

“My mother had saved that whole box of stuff,” she said. “And I’m thinking that maybe, I did it for her, too. Like, maybe in the back of her mind, she thought this was important.”

Tracking down the other families felt satisfying. When she finally did get her bachelor’s degree, racking up one or two credits each semester while working two jobs, she had majored in psychology. Now she rolled up her sleeves and began collecting data.

There were, as a social scientist might put it, correlations. Many of the passengers’ children recalled feeling completely alone in their grief, excluded from the rituals of mourning. Douglas Watts, an IT manager in Portland, Maine, was 8 when his mother, Sandy, died in the crash. “It was basically: She died, we had a service, it was done,” he said. His job, he understood, was “to never do anything that brought pain or emotion to anybody.” So he did not cry, not once.

Many shared the feeling that the crash had radically changed the circumstances of their lives, setting them on a new path. Albert Holzscheiter, a building contractor in Fredericksburg, Texas, was 3 when his father died in the crash. His mother moved the family to Key West, Fla., as far as she could get from the extended family in Vermont.

“It has totally changed and rewired who I probably would be,” he said. “I do not know if I would recognize the person that I would have been.”

Even their memories of the day itself lined up with hers. Cornelia Prevost, who was 12 when her father, Count Laszlo Hadik, died in the crash, had written a poem that made Michelle cry when she read it, it was so close to her own recollection.

“A glorious, simple / summer day tripped / into slow motion,” it read in part. “Expectant, heavy calm / an approaching thunderhead / and sibilant grownups roboted. / We knew not to be boisterous.”

But not everyone understood what she was trying to do. “I’m barely getting people to tell me who they are,” she complained a year into the effort. It was too painful, some of them told her. “You know, my family was ripped apart, and I can’t even talk about it,” she recalled some saying.

Cindy Provost Long, 66, a nurse in Bennington, Vt., felt that way. She was 16 when the plane crashed; her grandmother, two cousins and her 14-year-old brother, Michael, were on board. She remembers a doctor coming “and giving my mother some kind of injection to calm her down.” After that, her mother “had, essentially, a nervous breakdown.”

She never really got better. Ms. Long used to wait for the mail so she could throw out her brother’s Mad magazine, to spare her mother the pang of seeing it. When dementia clouded her mother’s memories, she said, it was a blessing.

For Ms. Long, discussing the loss on Facebook was not therapeutic. The scab that had formed in her mind, slowly, over decades, was prized off, and she started having bad dreams again, lying awake at night, “asking what-ifs.” Michelle’s whole outreach project, she said, was “an intrusive act.”

“It’s too late, and it’s still too personal,” she said. And as for getting together at Logan Airport? No, thank you. “I don’t understand how this could be, like, a celebration,” she said. “Is it the airport asking forgiveness? Is it Delta that is doing this? I don’t even know what it is.”

Michelle didn’t argue when she got that kind of response. But there were a few families she kept going back to, because their story troubled her so deeply: the families of the men in the cockpit. Early in her research, she learned something she found wrenching. As New Englanders mourned the dead of Flight 723, some had turned their anger on the pilots’ families.

“They got death threats over the phone. They got death threats in the mail,” said Hollie Streil, who married the pilot’s son, John Randolph Streil. The experience, she said, “turned his mother into an alcoholic.”

Mr. Streil, who was 12 at the time of the crash, began drinking heavily in his teens, and struggled with addiction throughout his life. “He, his family, bore the brunt of everyone’s anger,” Ms. Streil said. “I just remember my husband just sitting and crying and saying they blamed him.”

She and Mr. Streil divorced in 2013 but lived together until he died of a heart attack in 2015. Her feelings about the crash and its aftermath were complicated and dark. But Michelle kept reaching out to her, and Ms. Streil became convinced that her intentions were good.

So she arranged to attend, with three children and two grandchildren.

She was dreading it, she confessed. “This has been buried under the rug for so long. All of a sudden people are going to rip up the pieces,” she said.

“I will be glad when it is over,” she said. “I don’t think I will ever go back into Boston.”

On the night before the big gathering, Michelle was frazzled and anxious. She had developed a sinus infection, and was so hoarse she could barely speak. Also, she was acutely aware of the things that might go wrong.

Culpability was litigated, slowly and painfully, for nine years after the crash. Passengers’ families sued Delta; Delta argued that the air traffic controllers were responsible; the pilots’ families sued the manufacturer of the faulty flight director.

But none of it, not the settlements or the court decisions, fully put to rest the question of blame. Two years of research had given Michelle a sense of the anger that some families still harbored, burning as steadily as a pilot light.

Now, at her request, they would all be in the same room, with an open microphone. This was a minefield. Delta had donated money for the buffet lunch. Then there were the Streils, whom she had coaxed into attending. What was she thinking?

It was true, she had shaken things loose. Mr. Holzscheiter, who had driven 30 hours from Texas, felt a wave of sickening panic after he checked into his hotel; he wasn’t sure he could go through with it. His wife, Ginger, compared the gathering to the story of Pandora’s box from Greek mythology, releasing all manner of phantoms.

On her way to the ballroom, Liz Axness, who lost her mother in the crash, found herself in an elevator with a group that appeared to be headed to the event. When she asked, “Who was your loved one?” one of them replied — meekly, she thought — that they were from Delta.

“I’m like, What do you think I’m going to do, kick you in the tummy or something?” she said. “You weren’t even born.”

The night before, Jim Fuller, a sportswriter who lost his mother and father in the crash, had met the Streils. It had been a pleasant interaction; they had participated in a memorial blood drive he had set up.

He had nothing but compassion for the Streils; their family, he said, “had been through more than any of us.” He would never assign blame. But a question had gnawed at him since he was 8, and he could not help asking it aloud now.

“Why,” he said, “would you try to land a plane if you can’t see the runway?”

One thing that has changed in this country since 1973 is the way we respond to traumatic losses.

When a child dies in a car accident, grief counselors are on hand at schools, to help students process their feelings. Police officers attend debriefings. Bereaved people send out flares of raw grief on social media. This is viewed as healthy. With luck, it gives us closure.

But researchers trying to pin down this phenomenon have been left with doubts. Two years after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, Roxane Cohen Silver, a social psychologist at the University of California, Irvine, and a team of researchers looked at a group of people who had been asked to describe their emotions on the day of the attacks.

What they discovered, she said, was that “those who emoted most, wrote the most words, actually did the worst over time.” It wasn’t that emoting was bad, Dr. Silver said. More likely, those who emoted more were simply in more distress.

Her research has also called into question a much larger assumption: that people who suffer terrible losses eventually come to peace with them. In a 1989 study, she and Rosemary Tait interviewed 45 older men and women — the mean age was 76 — about the worst thing that had ever happened to them. For most, it was the death of a spouse or a close family member.

These were old losses; the average elapsed time was almost 23 years. What the researchers found was that the pain had not gone away. Seventy-one percent said they still experienced mental images or memories of the loss, and 96 percent said they sometimes ruminated about it. Thirty-seven percent said they were still searching for meaning in it.

“There are some for whom resolution never happens,” Dr. Silver said. “And there is some acknowledgment that, for some people, they will never resolve their sudden tragic loss, and they will probably function well. It’s not that they will not be able to get out of bed. But they will not, quote, get over it.”

Still, something seemed to be happening that morning in the lobby of the airport Hilton, as those who had come recognized one another. They embraced each other, squeezed each other’s hands. They ran their fingers over a memorial plaque of Vermont granite that had been mounted in the airport’s chapel.

It was a comfort. There were so many of them. “My mother was on the plane,” a woman in dreadlocks told a man in Bermuda shorts. “My father was on the plane,” he responded.

Finally, they took their seats in a ballroom, where photographs of the dead were projected onto a screen. Michelle’s sister sang with her barbershop quartet. Someone read a poem by Robert Frost. Michelle said she hoped they could set aside whatever anger and bitterness remained, to honor the dead.

Then Jillian Streil, the pilot’s granddaughter, made her way to the microphone. She was 37, a waitress in Manchester, N.H., with blond bangs and cat’s-eye glasses.

She never met her grandfather, but when she searched online for information about the crash, the phrase that came up was “pilot error.” She had read through the passenger manifest many, many times. “I almost feel like it’s my responsibility,” she said.

Standing before the passengers’ siblings and spouses, their children and grandchildren, she held up a piece of paper on which she had written down what she wanted to say.

“He deserved to be remembered for more than this awful tragedy,” she said. So she said a few words about him. That he had been a devoted son. That he had loved to fly. That when he died, he had a son who was about to turn 13. That as his wife and son mourned, they absorbed the hatred of those who blamed him.

“They are no longer with us, and that’s why I am here today, to speak for them,” she said.

Standing up there, she set aside passages of the speech — things she had been thinking about for 20 years — because she couldn’t get through them.

“From the Streil family, thank you all,” she said.

She returned to her seat, looking pale.

And then a row of people were lined up to put their arms around the young woman.

The son of Bette Vincent, who died in the crash, hugged her.

The son of Sandy Watts, who died in the crash, hugged her.

The son of Al Holzscheiter, who died in the crash, hugged her.

The sister-in-law of Michael Longchamp, who died in the crash, hugged her.

The sister-in-law of Maria Abrams, who died in the crash, hugged her.

Michelle hugged her. And, for the first time that day, she wept.

Then it was done. The families dispersed quickly, stopping by a desk outside to validate their parking tickets, vanishing into the hubbub of the airport.

On the long drive back to Texas, Mr. Holzscheiter had time to consider something that had been proposed at the gathering: that this group reconvene every 10 years. “I think the word ‘generations’ was used,” he said.

He disagreed; his children didn’t have strong feelings about the crash, and he thought that was as it should be. “Daddy’s memory will die when I die,” he said. “My generation, and my mother’s generation, remembers them, and I think it should probably pass on.”

Michelle returned to Vermont the same day, loading up her S.U.V. with tote bags and centerpieces. All morning, people had been praising her, thanking her for bringing them together, and this made her uncomfortable; she shook it off reflexively, the way a dog shakes off water.

She was now finished with the memorial, a moment her friends and family had long pondered. What would she do without her project? The next day, she spent some time with her chickens. She went to see “Barbie” with her girlfriends.

But it didn’t take long before she started thinking about the crash again. Strangers were reaching out through the Facebook page. She still had questions; she had never known what meetings her father had been headed to in Boston that day, and it bothered her.

So her mother’s box of documents stayed in its spot at the dinner table, and before long, she was back at her iPad, looking for those four families she had never been able to reach.

Audio produced by Tally Abecassis.

Some People Think UPS Workers Are Being Overpaid, So This 33-Year-Old Driver Broke Down The Numbers

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2022 was the year of quiet quitting (which, let’s be real, was just people taking back work/life balance and not really “quitting” in any meaningful sense of the word). But in 2023, labor unions are on the rise. Between the writers and actors strikes in Hollywood, a potential United Auto Workers union strike on the horizon, and other strikes around the US, some have dubbed these last few months “Hot Labor Summer.”

writers and actors on the picket line in hollywood
David Mcnew / Getty Images

It’s not hard to see why organized labor is having such a moment. Prices on basically everything have been going up, but for the average person, wages haven’t risen accordingly. Plus, low unemployment rates mean that workers have more leverage in this moment to demand better conditions and better pay. And for many workers, this has been a long time coming.

One of this year’s biggest labor stories was the historic contract the Teamsters negotiated for workers at UPS, averting a strike. UPS reportedly said that this five-year contract will result in the average driver making about $170k a year, a figure that’s led to some online chatter from people claiming UPS drivers are being overpaid.

ups driver making deliveries
Rivernorthphotography / Getty Images

But that’s not the whole picture, and recently, 33-year-old UPS driver Skyler Stutzman went viral on TikTok for the way he explained what this deal actually means for drivers. In a video that’s been viewed over 18 million times, Skyler says, “$170,000 a year is a bit of an exaggeration here, but let me break it down for you. Now, I don’t know about you, but I love factual information. So I’m going to do my best to just be transparent about the wages that we make.”

Skyler wearing his UPS uniform and sitting in the truck

Speaking before the new contract was voted on, Skyler explained, “Under current contract, our wage is $41.51 an hour. Now this contract that has been seen over social media, once that contract ratified, which is in the voting process right now, we’ll be making $44.26 an hour. Now, if you do some quick math here, if you were to take $44.26 an hour times 2,080 hours, which is 40 hours a week, that comes out to about $92,000 a year, but that’s not including overtime, and it’s also not the important part that we’re missing here.”

Skyler standing over a picnic table

Skyler continued by explaining how the medical insurance and pension he receives as a driver add up to this total. “Now our pension, don’t quote me, but it’s roughly somewhere between $11 and $13 per hour that’s paid into our pension at the 2080 hours, which comes out roughly about $25,000 a year. Now, you can figure the medical insurance at whatever you want, but you can quickly see that it would actually take about $170,000 a year job to replace this one for me. Now, while the media is making it a little more profound than it really is, they’re really not that far off of how amazing it is to work for this company.”

Skyler in the UPS truck

Basically, the $170k number represents total compensation, which is an important thing to take into consideration when you’re looking at your pay or comparing salaries. Without a strong benefits package, you could end up in a situation where you make more on paper than you actually end up holding on to after shelling out for necessities like health insurance.

woman using a calculator
Teera Konakan / Getty Images

Watch the whole video here:

@skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Most of the top commenters were supportive of Skyler’s message and really appreciated the transparency. One commenter wrote, “People, get mad at the corporations, hospitals, and businesses that are UNDERPAYING, not at an employee who has a living wage now.”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Another commenter chimed in, “If you’re making less in another field and upset, don’t bring these workers down, find out why your field isn’t willing to offer you a livable wage!”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Other commenters referenced the less-publicized fact that the new UPS deal will also make air conditioning in UPS trucks a requirement for the first time after more than 100 UPS workers have been hospitalized for heat-related illness in the last few years. (I genuinely can’t believe UPS workers have been driving around in the heat without AC in the year 2023).

If they don't have A/C in their trucks they deserve $270k a year

Some gently roasted UPS drivers, like this person who wrote, “$90k I would expect my package to be on time and delivered to my door and not the neighbors.”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Some fellow UPS workers also pointed out that the $170k figure doesn’t apply to everyone. One person wrote, “I’m a loader at UPS. I make $19.20 per hour and only get 4.5 hours a day. There is a HUGE disparity between drivers and everyone else.”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

And others praised the power of unions and half-jokingly requested a little bit of help. One commenter wrote, “Can the UPS union come help out teacher unions?”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Another commenter added, “The only reason why it’s amazing to work for UPS is the union. Which fights against corporate executives and against the shareholders.”

  @skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

While others rightfully pointed out that delivering packages is so much harder than it looks (Most jobs are, TBH). As someone who regularly lost my temper while doing much lighter food delivery shifts, yes, this absolutely checks out. Driving all day is tiring and can be dangerous at times, not to mention the heavy lifting involved in some UPS deliveries. And to do all that without air conditioning in this heat? I wouldn’t last an hour.

people complaining about ups drivers making too much wouldn't dare work a day as one it's hard work

There were also quite a few commenters who liked seeing that Skyler showed himself clocking out to make the video, then clocking back in when he was done. If you’re gonna post about work on social media, this is a great way to do it.

bro clocked out to make the vid played it safe

But some commenters were not so happy to learn about how much UPS drivers make. One commenter wrote, “I’m sorry, this is ridiculous. Most RNs [registered nurses] don’t make that much.” In a video made in response, Skyler said, “I never said that I should make more than anybody in the medical industry. Now, this might be a little bit of an unpopular opinion, but I don’t think I should make less. I think they should make more.”

@skylerleestutzman / Via tiktok.com

Skyler told BuzzFeed that he’s been working for UPS since 2008, and in another video he said, “I’ve actually been with the company for 15 years now. And to be able to say that at such a young age, I feel very blessed.”

In a statement, Teamsters General President Sean M. O’Brien said of the deal, “Teamsters have set a new standard and raised the bar for pay, benefits, and working conditions in the package delivery industry. This is the template for how workers should be paid and protected nationwide, and nonunion companies like Amazon better pay attention.”

At Yale, a Surge of Activism Forced Changes in Mental Health Policies

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In the weeks after Rachael Shaw-Rosenbaum, a first-year student at Yale, died by suicide in 2021, a group of strangers began convening on Zoom.

Some of them knew Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum. But many only knew what she had been going through, as she struggled with suicidal thoughts and weighed the consequences of checking herself into the hospital.

One, a physician in her early 40s, had been told years ago to withdraw from Yale while she was hospitalized after a suicide attempt, an experience she recalls as chillingly impersonal, “like you’re being processed through this big machine.”

Another, a classical pianist in his 20s, withdrew from Yale amid episodes of hypomania and depression, feeling, as he put it, “not just excluded but rejected and cut off and forgotten about.”

Members of the group, which took the name Elis for Rachael, shared a complaint that Yale’s strict policies on mental health leaves — requiring students to withdraw without a guarantee of readmission, stripping them of health insurance and excluding them from campus — had penalized students at their most vulnerable moments.

“We discovered that there were just generations of Yalies who had had similar issues, who had kept quiet about it for decades and decades,” said Dr. Alicia Floyd, the physician, one of the group’s founders. “And we all felt like something needed to change.”

The organizing that began that day culminated last month in a legal settlement that considerably eases the process of taking a medical leave of absence at Yale.

Under the new policy, students will have the option to extend their insurance coverage for a year. They will no longer be banned from campus spaces or lose their campus jobs. Returning from leave will be simpler, with weight given to the opinion of the student’s health care provider.

Most strikingly, Yale has agreed to offer part-time study as an accommodation for students in some medical emergencies, a step it had resisted.

“My hope is that the changes that have emerged from these discussions will make it easier for students to ask for support, focus on their health and well-being and take time off if they wish, knowing that they can resume their studies when they are ready,” said Pericles Lewis, the dean of Yale College, in a message to students.

Yale declined to comment beyond the statement from Dean Lewis.

Yale’s withdrawal policies were the subject of a Washington Post investigation in November 2022. The same month, Elis for Rachael filed a class-action lawsuit accusing the university of discriminating against students with disabilities.

Yale is not the only elite university to face legal challenges over its mental health policies. The Department of Justice has investigated Brown and Princeton over their handling of withdrawals, and Stanford faced a similar class-action lawsuit in 2019.

By offering part-time study as an accommodation, Yale has provided relief beyond what Stanford did, said Monica Porter Gilbert, an attorney at the Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law who represented plaintiffs in both cases.

“It’s the students and the plaintiffs in this case making their voices heard and bringing Yale to the table to have difficult conversations,” she said. The pandemic years, she added, have brought new urgency to their arguments. “As a nation, we talk about mental health differently now.”

Alicia Abramson, a Yale senior who is one of the two student plaintiffs in the class-action lawsuit, said Yale’s response was swifter and more comprehensive than she had expected. “It’s hopeful, in the sense that maybe they are finally taking this thing seriously,” she said.

She has no plans to abandon her advocacy work anytime soon, though. “I’m certainly hesitant to give Yale infinite praise,” she said. “You know, we had to sue them, right?”

As she struggled with suicidal thoughts in the second half of her first year at Yale, Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum worried she would be forced to withdraw, jeopardizing the scholarships she needed to stay at Yale, said Zack Dugue, her boyfriend.

She had already been hospitalized once, her first semester. “Basically, if I go to the hospital again, I will not be able to resume college and will lose the opportunity I had to learn at an extremely competitive university,” she wrote in a post on Reddit a few days before she died.

Growing up in Anchorage, Alaska, Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum had been a debate champion. She dreamed of following her idol, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, to the Supreme Court.

Mr. Dugue, who met her at a scholarship event the spring of their senior year of high school, described her as “a tiny firebrand” and “super-duper kind.” She was still very young: Mr. Dugue was the first boy she ever kissed, her mother said.

She was not from a wealthy family; at home, she had at one time received health care through Medicaid. Withdrawing would mean losing not just her sense of belonging, but her Yale health insurance, a prospect Mr. Dugue said she found “apocalyptic.”

“She also would have lost access to the very care she needed,” he said. “That was like a terrible tightrope to walk.”

For decades, students had criticized Yale’s withdrawal and readmission policies, which were deemed among the least supportive in the Ivy League in a 2018 white paper by the Ruderman Family Foundation.

In 2015, a sophomore math major named Luchang Wang died by suicide after posting a desperate message on Facebook, saying she “couldn’t bear the thought of having to leave for a full year, or of leaving and never being readmitted.”

“Yale was a case where they were being very strict, and people would have to apply multiple times,” said Marcus Hotaling, president of the Association for University and College Counseling Center Directors and director of counseling at Union College in Schenectady, N.Y.

Colleges must weigh the risks of allowing struggling students to remain on campus, he said, since they may be found liable for allowing a student’s condition to deteriorate.

Dr. Hotaling cited the case of Elizabeth Shin, a student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who died by suicide in 2000. Her parents, who had not been told of her decline, filed a $27 million wrongful death lawsuit against M.I.T.; the case was settled for an undisclosed amount.

Suicide contagion may be a concern for the university; so is the effect a suicide on campus may have on the larger community. “That’s going to have a drastic impact on the roommate, on the residents who live around them, their friends, their peers, their classmates,” he said.

After Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum’s death, Yale officials took the unusual step of releasing a statement denying an allegation, circulating on social media, that Yale had refused her request to take a leave.

Undergraduate activists began demanding changes to the leave policy, as they had after previous suicides, but there was little response from Yale. “At the end of the day, we recognized we were at the mercy of the institution,” said Miriam Kopyto, who was then a leader in the Yale Student Mental Health Association.

A shift came with the involvement of alumni, who convened their first Zoom meeting just a few days after Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum’s death. About two dozen people attended, including Mr. Dugue, and all felt some personal connection to the cause, said Lily Colby, a community organizer.

They held a moment of silence, shared pictures of Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum and told their own stories. “We have been impacted in some way,” Ms. Colby said later, describing the core group. “We’ve had a loss or a tragedy.”

Students had tended to ask the university for accommodations on the grounds that it was the right thing to do, Ms. Colby said. The alumni began educating them on what they could demand under law — like a change to the leave policies.

For student activists, this was a fundamental shift. “Some of it is a favor,” Ms. Kopyto said. “And some of it is not.”

In January, Yale introduced major changes to its policy, reclassifying mental health breaks as leaves of absence rather than withdrawals, extending health insurance benefits and simplifying the reinstatement policy.

The settlement expands those protections by offering part-time study and creating a “Time Away Resource” for undergraduates. The court will oversee Yale’s compliance with the agreement for three years.

Lucy Kim, 22, who was among the last undergraduates to take a medical withdrawal under the old system, recalls crying when she read the news, because the accommodations were the ones that she had needed.

“I just kept thinking, if only I had gotten sick a year later,” she said.

She was a second-semester sophomore, juggling coursework in molecular biology and biochemistry and global affairs, when she stopped sleeping for 40-hour stretches. Her hands shook so violently that she dropped things. She began hallucinating.

Diagnosed with a sleep disorder, she initiated a medical withdrawal in December 2021. She had studied the policies, but was still jolted by the reality: She was given 72 hours to vacate her dormitory and surrender her key card.

“It really is like losing your house, your job and your family, all at the same time,” she said. She drained her savings, she said, spending $15,000 on rent, food and tuition for summer school classes before applying for reinstatement by submitting an essay, grades and letters of recommendation.

Ms. Kim, who will graduate next May, hopes mental health leaves will be seen differently now. This weekend, she began recruiting undergraduates to serve as “time away mentors” who help others navigate the process of taking leaves and returning to campus. She hopes that the university will provide funding.

“I think that Yale does want to move in the right direction,” she said. “It’s a matter of accumulating those voices for change until it reaches the threshold point where Yale says this is probably for the benefit of the greater student body.”

In interviews, students said the new policy opens avenues they had viewed as shut.

“What they’ve done has created an opening where I feel like I could actually go back if I wanted to,” said one former student, Jen Frantz, referring to the option of part-time study. She withdrew from Yale twice because of mental health crises, and finally let go of the idea of finishing her degree.

Ms. Frantz, 26, went on to get an M.F.A. in poetry at the Iowa Writers’ Workshop and now tutors students working on college essays. She said she felt “a little light touch of mourning of what could have been if they had been more prompt.”

As for Ms. Shaw-Rosenbaum, she was a stickler for detail. Had she lived, Mr. Dugue said, she might have sued Yale herself at some point.

“She read the withdrawal policies, she explained them to me, she was thinking about them, she knew they were wrong,” he said.

Rachael’s mother, Pamela Shaw, singled out two provisions of the settlement that she thought would have helped her daughter: part-time study and an administrator dedicated to advising on time away.

“I just wish she’d been here for the fight,” Ms. Shaw said.

Kitty Bennett, Susan Beachy and Alain Delaquérière contributed research.

Audio produced by Sarah Diamond.

Travel Rewards Cards: How to Maximize Points, Perks and Miles

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Sign-up bonuses, lounge access, cash rebates, free hotel rooms and plenty of fine print: The dizzying promotions and Byzantine rules on earning and redeeming points with rewards credit cards can make your head spin. Here are some ways to cut through the confusion and get the most out of them.

Rewards cards offer three types of value. There is typically a sign-up bonus, up to 120,000 points or miles after spending a minimum amount within a certain period. Then there are the points, miles or cash back you receive for spending with the card, sometimes multiplied for purchases in specific categories like travel, dining or fuel. Last, there are the benefits you receive as a cardholder, like credits for the Global Entry or TSA PreCheck application fees, access to airport lounges, and elite status at hotels.

Travelers should weigh the rewards against the annual cost of a card, which can range from zero to $695, and which airlines, hotels and other travel partners it works with. To get the best value, pay off the total balance each month to avoid interest charges. Autopay is your friend.

A co-branded card, like the Alaska Airlines Visa Signature (fee $95), helps you achieve status faster with that airline. Cards co-branded with airlines may also offer perks like priority boarding, free checked bags and lounge access — a plus if you tend to fly on one carrier. The Alaska card offers a $99 companion ticket (plus taxes and fees) each year when spending requirements are met. Hotel chains offer similar co-branded cards. The World of Hyatt Visa and Marriott Bonvoy Boundless Visa (both $95) give cardholders one free night, at their low- to midtier brands, on the anniversary of the customer’s sign-up.

If you choose a card that’s not co-branded, you can sometimes transfer your points to your preferred airline’s loyalty program. For cards that don’t have partnerships with certain airlines, you can often use code-sharing as a workaround. For example, Capital One does not allow you to transfer your points directly to Delta SkyMiles. To book a seat on a Delta flight, transfer your points to Aeromexico — which Capital One does have a partnership with — then use those points to book a code-share seat on Delta through the SkyTeam alliance.

Redemption values can change depending on how you use your points, said Gary Leff, of the travel site View From the Wing. His advice: Explore the variety of ways you can redeem them and aim to get at least one penny per point. Citi ThankYou points are usually worth a penny when buying gift cards from a variety of retailers. American Express cardholders will get 1 cent per point when they’re using their Membership Rewards balance to purchase an airline ticket or a hotel room on the Amex website — and some also earn five points per dollar spent. For example, a $500 room booking will cost 50,000 points, but earn 2,500 points, worth $25, for buying it through the website.

Those same Amex points are worth only about 0.7 cents if used to make a purchase on Amazon and 0.6 cents if used to pay for eligible purchases on your monthly statement. Credit card websites typically have a section detailing redemption values.

Sometimes, points can exceed 1 cent in value if you transfer them to an airline loyalty program to buy a ticket, Mr. Leff said. And keep an eye on travel websites, social media and your email inbox for temporary transfer bonus offers, which can give you an additional bump of up to 30 percent on points you are moving to a specific airline or hotel partner.

Tempted by a hefty sign-up bonus? Wait until you’re planning a big vacation, doing a home renovation, or paying college tuition or another large expense, advises Kylie Queisser, who offers travel advice on TikTok. Then use that big expense to meet the minimum spending requirement for the bonus. The Capital One Venture X Visa card ($395) offers 75,000 miles after spending $4,000 in three months. The Citi AAdvantage Executive World Elite Mastercard ($595) was recently offering 100,000 points for spending $10,000 in three months.

Bonus amounts like those can be significant: 75,000 Capital One points can be redeemed for $750 in travel spending; 100,000 American Airlines miles could buy several cross-country plane tickets.

If you don’t mind a little juggling, tailoring individual cards to specific purchases can maximize benefits. For example, pair a Chase Sapphire Reserve card ($550), which earns three points per dollar on travel and dining expenses, with a no-annual-fee Chase Freedom Unlimited card, which earns one and a half points per dollar, for everything else, Mr. Leff suggested. “There are similar ways to pair American Express cards and Citibank cards,” he said.

So how do you keep track of which one does what? Easy, Mr. Leff said: He puts little stickers indicating restaurants, gas, groceries or other categories on each of his family members’ credit cards.

El tiempo frente a las pantallas influye en el desarrollo de los bebés, según un estudio

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Según un estudio publicado el mes pasado en The Journal of the American Medical Association Pediatrics, los niños de 1 año expuestos a más de cuatro horas diarias frente a una pantalla experimentaron retrasos en el desarrollo de las capacidades de comunicación y resolución de problemas a los 2 y 4 años.

La investigación también reveló que los niños de 1 año que estuvieron expuestos más tiempo frente a una pantalla que sus compañeros presentaron retrasos a los 2 años en el desarrollo de la motricidad fina y las habilidades personales y sociales. Sin embargo, estos retrasos parecían disiparse a los 4 años.

El estudio no encontró que el tiempo frente a una pantalla causara los retrasos en el desarrollo, sino más bien que hay una relación entre un mayor tiempo de exposición frente a una pantalla con los retrasos en el desarrollo de los bebés. Según los expertos, este patrón podría explicarlo el valor del tiempo cara a cara para los niños pequeños.

David J. Lewkowicz, psicólogo del desarrollo del Centro de Estudios Infantiles de la Universidad de Yale, afirmó que la interacción cara a cara entre padres e hijos es crucial para darles un valioso conjunto de información a los bebés, incluida la manera en cómo las expresiones faciales, las palabras, el tono de voz y la retroalimentación física se combinan para expresar lenguaje y significado.

“Esto no ocurre cuando estás viendo una pantalla”, comentó y agregó que no le sorprendían los resultados de la investigación.

Los hallazgos, de investigadores japoneses, se extrajeron de cuestionarios sobre desarrollo y tiempo frente a una pantalla que se entregaron a los padres de casi 8000 niños pequeños. En general, se descubrió que los bebés expuestos a mayores niveles de tiempo frente a una pantalla eran hijos de madres primerizas más jóvenes, con menores ingresos y niveles de educación en el hogar y de quienes sufrían de depresión posparto. (Se reportó que apenas el cuatro por ciento de los bebés estuvo expuesto a pantallas durante cuatro o más horas al día, mientras que el 18 por ciento pasó entre dos y menos de cuatro horas frente a una pantalla al día y la mayoría, menos de dos horas).

El estudio destacó una “asociación dosis-respuesta” entre el tiempo frente a una pantalla y los retrasos en el desarrollo: mientras más tiempo los bebés pasaban frente a una pantalla, más probabilidades había de que presentaran retrasos en el desarrollo.

Los autores del estudio señalaron que la investigación no distinguía entre el tiempo frente a una pantalla que tenía como objetivo ser educativo y el tiempo frente a una pantalla más enfocado al entretenimiento. Los investigadores agregaron que los estudios futuros debían explorar esta perspectiva.

Según Lewkowicz, los padres por lo regular le preguntan cuánto tiempo de pantalla es el adecuado. Su respuesta: “Habla con tu hijo lo más que puedas, cara a cara todo lo que puedas”, mencionó.

Pedirles a los padres que priven todo el tiempo de pantallas a sus hijos es poco práctico, afirmó: “Nadie le hará caso a eso. Tiene que ser con moderación. Con una fuerte dosis de interacción social en la vida real”.

Matt Richtel es un escritor y reportero ganador del Premio Pulitzer radicado en San Francisco. Se unió al Times en 2000 y su trabajo se ha centrado en la ciencia, la tecnología, los negocios y la narración de historias en torno a estos temas. Más sobre Matt Richtel

Mexico’s Next President Will Be a Woman

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Mexico’s governing party chose Claudia Sheinbaum, a former mayor of Mexico City, as its candidate in next year’s presidential election on Wednesday, creating a watershed moment in the world’s largest Spanish-speaking country, with voters expected to choose for the first time between two leading candidates who are women.

Ms. Sheinbaum, 61, a physicist with a doctorate in environmental engineering and a protégé of Mexico’s current president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, will face off against the opposition’s top contender, Xóchitl Gálvez, 60, an outspoken engineer with Indigenous roots who rose from poverty to become a tech entrepreneur.

“We can already say today: Mexico, by the end of next year, will be governed by a woman,” said Jesús Silva-Herzog Márquez, a political scientist at Mexico’s Monterrey Institute of Technology, adding that it was an “extraordinary change” for the country.

Ms. Sheinbaum has built her political career mostly in the shadow of Mr. López Obrador, and had emerged early on as the party’s favored pick to succeed the current president. That connection is thought to give her a crucial edge heading into next year’s election thanks to the high approval ratings enjoyed by Mr. López Obrador, who is limited by Mexico’s Constitution to one six-year term.

In recent months, Mr. López Obrador has insisted that he will hold no influence once he finishes his term. “I am going to retire completely,” he said in March. “I am not a chieftain, much less do I feel irreplaceable. I am not a strongman; I am not a messiah.”

But some analysts say his influence will endure regardless of which candidate wins in 2024. Should Ms. Sheinbaum win, “there may be changes to certain policies, though the broad strokes of his agenda will remain intact,” according to a recent report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a research institute in Washington.

If she is defeated, Mr. López Obrador “will not fade quietly into the background,” the report said, citing a large base of loyal supporters allowing him to command substantial influence. Some legacies of his administration — including austerity measures or the immersion of the military into social, security and infrastructure roles — could also be obstacles for Ms. Gálvez if she seeks to roll back his policies.

As the two female candidates target weaknesses in each other’s campaigns, they share some similarities. While neither are explicitly feminist, both are socially progressive, have engineering degrees and say they will maintain broadly popular antipoverty programs.

Both women also support decriminalizing abortion. In Ms. Gálvez’s case, that position stands in contrast to that of her conservative party. Mexico’s Supreme Court on Wednesday decriminalized abortion nationwide, building on an earlier ruling giving officials the authority to allow the procedure on a state-by-state basis.

Ms. Sheinbaum, who was born to Jewish parents in Mexico City, would become Mexico’s first Jewish president if she wins the race. She has faced a misinformation campaign on social media claiming falsely that she was born in Bulgaria, the country from which her mother emigrated; supporters of Ms. Sheinbaum have called this effort antisemitic.

She studied physics and energy engineering in Mexico before carrying out her doctoral research at California’s Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. After entering politics, she became Mr. López Obrador’s top environmental official when he was mayor of Mexico City.

When Ms. Sheinbaum herself was elected mayor of the capital in 2018, she took on public transit and environmental issues as top priorities, but was also the target of criticism over fatal mishaps in the city’s transportation systems, including the collapse of a metro overpass in which 26 people were killed.

With polls positioning Ms. Sheinbaum as the front-runner, her ties to Mr. López Obrador required discipline to maintain his support even when she may not have agreed with his decisions. For instance, when Mr. López Obrador minimized the coronavirus pandemic and federal government officials tweaked data to avoid a lockdown in Mexico City, she remained silent.

“What has stood out is her loyalty, I think a blind loyalty, to the president,” said Mr. Silva-Herzog Márquez, the political scientist.

Still, while hewing to Mr. López Obrador’s policies, Ms. Sheinbaum has also signaled some potential changes, notably expressing support for renewable energy sources.

Drawing a contrast with her rival, Ms. Gálvez, a senator who often gets around Mexico City on an electric bicycle, has focused on her origins as the daughter of an Indigenous Otomí father and a mestizo mother.

Ms. Gálvez grew up in a small town about two hours from Mexico City without running water and speaking her father’s Hñähñu language. After receiving a scholarship to the National Autonomous University of Mexico, she became an engineer and founded a company that designs communications and energy networks for office buildings.

After Vicente Fox won the presidency in 2000, she was appointed as head of the presidential office for Indigenous peoples. In 2018, Ms. Gálvez was elected senator representing the conservative National Action Party.

Mr. López Obrador has repeatedly made her the focus of verbal attacks, which has had the effect of raising her profile around the country while highlighting the sway that the president and his party exert across Mexico.

A combative leader who has embraced austerity measures while doubling down on Mexico’s reliance on fossil fuels, Mr. López Obrador looms over the campaigning. He pledged to do away with a long-held political tradition whereby Mexican presidents handpicked their successors with their “big finger,” replacing the practice with nationwide voter surveys.

Historically, political parties in Mexico mostly selected their candidates in ways that were opaque and lacked much inclusion. Handpicking was more common than a “free and fair competition for a candidacy,” said Flavia Freidenberg, a political scientist at the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

The new selection process has changed that tradition, but concerns persist over a lack of clarity and other irregularities that have been denounced by some analysts and other presidential hopefuls. Both the governing party, Morena, and the broad opposition coalition, called the Broad Front for Mexico, used public opinion polls “that have not been fully transparent,” Ms. Freidenberg added, “and are not necessarily considered democratic procedures.”

The new procedures also ignored federal campaign regulations, with those at the helm of the process in both the governing party and the opposition moving the selection forward by a few months and cryptically calling Ms. Sheinbaum and Ms. Gálvez “coordinators” of each coalition instead of “candidates.”

“These irregular activities have occurred under the gaze of public opinion, the political class and the electoral authorities,” Ms. Freidenberg said. “This is not a minor issue.”

Next year’s general election, in which voters will elect not only a president but members of Congress, might also determine whether Mexico may return to a dominant-party system — similar to what the country experienced under the once-hegemonic Institutional Revolutionary Party, which held uninterrupted power for 71 years until 2000.

Despite some setbacks, there are signs this is already happening. In June, Morena’s candidate won the governor’s race in the State of Mexico, the country’s most populous state, defeating the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s candidate.

That victory brought the number of states under Morena’s control to 23 out of 32 states, up from just seven at the start of the president’s term in 2018.

The question is “whether Morena reconfigures itself into a hegemonic party like the old PRI,” said Ana Laura Magaloni, a law professor who advised Ms. Sheinbaum’s mayoral campaign. “And that depends on how much of a fight the opposition can put up.”

UK Air Traffic Control Chaos Was a ‘1 in 15 Million’ Problem

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The technical failure that led to hundreds of flight cancellations and severe disruptions for thousands of people traveling in and out of Britain last week resulted from a “one in 15 million chance,” the country’s air traffic control service said on Wednesday.

“We have processed 15 million flight plans with this system,” Martin Rolfe, the chief executive of Britain’s National Air Traffic Service, told the BBC’s “Today” program. And the service, he said, had “never seen this before.”

On Wednesday, the service published a report based on an internal investigation of the event, detailing what Mr. Rolfe described as “an incredibly rare set of circumstances.”

According to the report, the air traffic control system encountered two separate pieces of navigational data in one aircraft’s flight plan that had the same name. As a result, the system’s primary and backup computer systems both shut down to avoid passing incorrect information to the controllers.

The service then reverted to manual air traffic control, meaning that fewer flights could be processed.

“Keeping the sky safe is what guides every action we take, and that was our priority during last week’s incident,” Mr. Rolfe said in a statement.

The problem was fixed several hours later, but 799 outbound and 786 inbound flights were canceled on Aug. 28, according to Cirium, an aviation analytics company. The disruption continued into Aug. 29, when more than 300 flights were canceled.

Mr. Rolfe apologized again to the affected passengers, many of whom were stranded in airports or on tarmacs for hours or had to wait several days for alternative flights. He said that if the issue were to happen again, the National Air Traffic Service would be able to deal with it.

“Action has been taken to ensure such an incident does not recur,” Mark Harper, Britain’s secretary of state for transportation, wrote on social media on Wednesday.

The Civil Aviation Authority, which oversees aviation safety in Britain, said on Wednesday that it had begun an independent review of the issue and the response to assess whether the National Air Traffic Service had breached its obligations. The results would be published by the end of the month, the authority said.

Wednesday’s report came as a New York Times investigation has found an alarming pattern of safety lapses and near misses in the United States’ skies and on airport runways.

Explaining Bidenomics – The New York Times

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Bill Clinton and Barack Obama both ran for president promising to reinvigorate the economy for ordinary Americans. And both enacted laws that helped millions of people. Clinton expanded children’s health care and tax credits for low-income families. Obama accomplished even more, making it possible for almost anybody to afford health insurance.

Yet neither Obama nor Clinton managed to alter the basic trajectory of the American economy. Income and wealth inequality, which had begun rising in the early 1980s, continued to do so. So did inequality in other measures, like health and life expectancy. Polls continue to show that most Americans are frustrated with the country’s direction.

In response, a growing number of policy experts aligned with the Democratic Party have decided in recent years that their party’s approach to economic policy was flawed. They concluded that Democrats had not gone far enough to undo the revolution that Ronald Reagan started in the 1980s — a revolution that sparked the huge rise in inequality.

These Democratic experts have grown skeptical of the benefits of free trade and Washington’s hands-off approach to corporate consolidation. They want the government to spend more money on highways, technological development and other policies that could create good-paying jobs. The experts, in short, believe that they had been too accepting of the more laissez-faire economic agenda often known as neoliberalism.

This turnabout is the central explanation for President Biden’s economic agenda, which White House aides call Bidenomics and will be core to his re-election campaign. He has signed laws (sometimes with bipartisan support) spending billions of dollars on semiconductor factories, roads, bridges and clean energy. He has tried to crack down on monopolies. He has encouraged workers to join unions.

The best description of this shift I’ve yet read appears in “The Last Politician,” a new book about Biden’s first two years in office by Franklin Foer of The Atlantic. Foer tells the story partly through Jake Sullivan, who helped design Biden’s domestic agenda during the campaign and then became national security adviser.

Sullivan was nobody’s idea of a left-wing populist: He is a Rhodes Scholar with two Yale degrees who was a close aide to Hillary Clinton before Biden. But the financial crisis and then Donald Trump’s victory led Sullivan to reflect on Americans’ frustration, and he decided that elites like him had not done enough to address its underlying causes. (Here’s a 2018 article in which I described his shift.)

“An entire generation of young Democratic wonks, with a similar establishment pedigree, found itself in the same brooding mood, tinged with fear,” Foer writes. These wonks built alliances with the more progressive parts of the party — those represented by Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — during Trump’s presidency. That’s why several Warren protégés, like Bharat Ramamurti, work in senior White House roles today.

Biden himself embodies the shift, too. Although he has long emphasized his humble background in Scranton, Pa., he supported his party’s more neoliberal agenda in the 1980s and 1990s. Recently, he has returned to some of the populist themes that he used to launch his political career a half-century ago. He has lamented the Democratic Party’s drift from working-class families toward college-educated professionals.

Much of the 2024 presidential campaign will revolve around the economy’s short-term performance, and both Biden and his Republican critics will be able to cite evidence to make their case. Republicans will note that inflation remains uncomfortably high and that Biden’s pandemic relief spending played a role (albeit a secondary one, as my colleague German Lopez has explained). Biden’s campaign will counter that job growth is solid, and wages have risen across the income spectrum. His investments, in semiconductors and more, seem to be playing a role.

But I would encourage you not to lose sight of the bigger picture during the back and forth of the campaign. The biggest picture is that the post-1980 economy failed to deliver the broad-based benefits that Reagan and his allies promised. So did several economic policies, like expanded global trade, that many Democrats favored.

Biden represents a response to these unfulfilled promises, as do the small but growing number of Republicans pushing their party to change. Whatever happens with the economy over the next year or with Biden’s presidency, the policy debate has shifted.

“Bidenomics sounds banal when plastered as a slogan across the backdrop of a presidential stump speech,” Foer told me. “But it’s more than a set of positive economic indicators. It’s a shift in ideology. For a generation, Democratic presidents were inclined to be deferential to markets, basically uninterested in the problem of monopoly, and lukewarm to unions. Biden has gone in the other direction.”

Related: Some people mistakenly think that “working class” is a euphemism for “white working class.” It isn’t. The American working class spans all races, and the Democratic Party has also lost ground with voters of color, especially those without a four-year college degree. You can read more from my colleague Nate Cohn.

  • Read more about the Republican debate on how much the government should do about inequality.

  • Many experts predicted Medicare would be an ever-growing burden on the federal budget. Instead, spending per person has been flat for the past decade.

  • Lawyers for Alex Murdaugh, who was convicted of murdering his wife and son, accused a court official of jury tampering and asked for a new trial.

  • “Cop City”: Dozens of people protesting an Atlanta police training facility were indicted on racketeering charges, accused of violence and destroying property.

  • Sam Bankman-Fried, founder of FTX, has protested his conditions in jail while he awaits trial for fraud, including a lack of hot vegan food.

New discoveries are likely to leave experts wanting to tweak the Big Bang theory. They should instead depart from the idea entirely, Adam Frank and Marcelo Gleiser write.

Here are columns by Thomas Friedman on diplomacy with Israel and Bret Stephens on American pessimism.

A landmark: The Yankees slugger Giancarlo Stanton hit his 400th career home run last night.

Galactic journey: Starfield, an adventure game set in a galaxy of 1,000 planets, comes out today on Xbox. Its release is a big deal for gamers: The company behind the game, Bethesda, is revered for its earlier creations like Fallout, and Starfield is its first new franchise in 25 years. The game was so eagerly anticipated that Microsoft recently bought the studio, in part to ensure that the franchise would be on its platforms exclusively.